RAP 21 spoke with journalists and the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) office in Zimbabwe to gain further insight into the current political situation and the state of the independent media.

The parliamentary election results confirm that Zimbabweans have voted for change after Mugabe’s 28-year reign that ushered in both independence and later socioeconomic strife. The results of the presidential election have yet to be fully disclosed though it is clear that he did not pass the 50 percent barrier needed to bypass a run-off. Concurrently, the Zimbabwean private media continues to be left with minimum reporting space as the incumbent government is faced with the harsh reality of a possible sweeping defeat.

Apparently, Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party is trying to challenge the results before they are broadcast across the country and finalize rumors of a run-off with his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai. In an apparent move to buy time Mugabe has claimed that a recount is necessary. Meanwhile, the oppositional party Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) said Magube has been illegally slipping his name in ballot boxes since the beginning. Lending to these developments are the poorly defined regulatory bodies and the weak position of the independent press that have only perpetuated Mugabe’s unyielding fight for office.

In a conversation with journalist Iden Wetherell from the independent weekly Zimbabwe Independent, a grim climate, exacerbated by a flawed legal system, in which many in the country are trying to move forward, was revealed.

“Firstly, we are governed by a very restrictive law which requires media houses to apply every two years for a license and journalists every year,” said Wetherell. The notorious state-controlled Media and Information Commission (MIC) is very hostile to operations of the private press, Wetherell explained, though inter-party discussions did bring some wins for the press and actually did away with the MIC. By next August it will be reorganized as the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC).

Aside from regulatory constraints, Wetherell said government officials and ministers “don’t understand or accept the press to holding the government accountable.” This is highlighted in that continued repression of the independent media is taking place even in the face of some amendments in jurisprudence designed to bolster the industry.

It is also no longer illegal to practice journalism without accreditation. However, registration is still required to be able to attend any governmental functions, which are critical during this time.

On paper Wetherell said it appears that “Zimbabwe has been brought in conformity with the Mauritius Protocol of 2004.” A number of supposed guidelines and institutions have been created, though their independent clout is extremely shallow and more than often blatantly favors the reigning powers in the country. As a result, numerous shortcomings lead to further distorted state-broadcasted images of the remaining oppositional candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai.

Under the Mauritius Protocol, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) was designed to be an individual regulatory authority to guide the country through peaceful and fair elections. Wetherell says it has proved to be less than independent. The ZEC has failed to apply enough pressure to permit equal broadcasting and air times for the opposition.

The ZEC has even failed to announce the winner of the presidential elections to the people under the implicit wishes of Mugabe. MISA told RAP 21 that the oppositional Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) filed a court case demanding for the release of the results. Wetherell commented that it is here where the ZEC has finally emerged with its own voice, albeit not a just one as they are resisting pressures.

MISA has expressed worry in that the maneuvering of the ZEC strongly contravenes SADC guidelines that require member states to “establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies staffed by qualified personnel” and demand for the “immediate release of official election results on completion of counting, signed by returning officers and confirmed by party agents.”

There has also been a lack of professional coverage insofar as airtime designated to Mugabe’s opponents is minimized and chiefly propagates only lies. Wetherell told RAP 21 that the ZEC also tried to justify the imbalance of the candidates’ exposure with an absurd line of reasoning: Mugabe is a newsmaker thereby allotting him more news time.

Adding to the ferment is the failure of the ZEC to carry through with independent accreditation of notably foreign journalists. Wetherell told RAP 21 that this has instead been laid in the powers of Mugabe. Moreover, a series of remaining laws including the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), The Public Order and Security Act (POSA), The Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) and the Interception of Communications Act (ICA) have hindered an honest playing field from opening dialogue between candidates.

MISA reports that, “these laws have been used not only to shut down critical newspapers and ban critical journalists and media houses but have been invoked in this election to ban local and international journalists and a number of foreign media organisations among them CNN and South Africa’s ETV news.”

The result has been a handful of arrests and little independent coverage. On 4 April, two South African journalists, Sipho Moses Maseko and Abdulla Ismail Gaibee were arrested and since then released on bail. New York Times journalist Barry Bearaik and another South African journalist, Stephan Bevan were also arrested on 3 April for lacking proper accreditation. MISA told RAP 21 that while the foreign journalists have been released on bail “their cases remain pending and are still frivolous.”

As Zimbabweans wait for information and change, the incumbent government is deploying tactic after tactic. This climate increasingly hints that more rioting and violence could erupt on the streets and lead to more corruption and secret deals behind closed doors.

Meanwhile, the independent media is struggling to seep through the strong barriers in place. Rural areas especially known for supporting the MDC where violence has been reported, is nearly isolated from independent media. According to MISA state-controlled radio is the main medium reaching these people. Furthermore, Wetherall said, “The voice people are hearing is the voice of Mugabe.” A Supreme Court ruling was made to break the monopoly though no change in the structure has been concretely evidenced.

Wetherell said, “The lies and deception must stop.” To allow Zimbabwe to reel in a new chapter in its history the press must be allowed to report on what is really happening. MISA told RAP 21 that they are assisting journalists in how to circumvent present pressures and loopholes. Their message to journalists is to continue to cover the events. MISA stressed that as the government has showed its willingness to utilize violence, journalists must respond with vigilance and honesty.

A prime example of such journalism can be seen in a unique photojournalism project carried out a team of journalists inside the country led by Chris Kabwato, a Zimbabwean who is based abroad. Kabwato told RAP 21 that with a grant from the Netherlands Institute of Southern Africa (NiZA) the group traveled around the country to document the elections and all of its accompanying drama.

To view the photojournalism project and newsletter please visit: http://ngizwani.wordpress.com

To read and sign WAN’s protest letter to President Mugabe to end the state intimidation of the independent and foreign press please visit http://www.rap21.org/rubrique.php3?...