Comments

• > GOVERNMENT PLAN TO ASSASINATE NKEA ALEAMBONG & OTHERS REVEALED

  18th July 2006, par NKEA ALEAMBONG Emmanuel

  This article has been copied in full from a recent issue of The Guardian newspaper.

  Plots to silence SCNC activists?

  By Ashu Divine, human rights activist

  The continuous arrest and detention of SCNC leaders and activists around Cameroon is creating fears within the SCNC organisation. It is feared the Government has a list of over 150 SCNC activists they must put behind bars or assassinate in a means to weaken the organisation.

  It is rumoured within SCNC sources that there has been plans to silence the SCNC by plotting to kill the leaders or putting them behind bars. Two months ago, Henry Fossung, leader of one of the factions of the SCNC had declared that the Government had on its agenda, plans of killing SCNC leaders. Prior to the October 1 celebrations, an assassination plot was discovered as someone purported to have been sponsored by the Government of La Republique du Cameroun to assassinate Ebenezer Akwanger, the SCYL leader in Nigeria. Since then, the number of arrests and detentions of SCNC leaders and activists is on the rise. It is rumoured the Government is unhappy with the negative image the SCNC is painting. Recently on October 1st 2005, the Southern Cameroons National Council in Belgium issued out a petition asking for the United Nations to create an ad hoc tribunal to try Mr Paul Biya for crimes against humanity. Sources close to the Presidency say, the head of state was particularly bitter with this petition and wants a crack down on the SCNC. SCNC activists claim there is a list from the Government with the names of targeted SCNC activists. Prominent in the list are the names of Southern Cameroons leaders who are suing the government of La Republique du Cameroun, SCNC leaders of France, Belgium, USA, Holland and La Republique du Cameroun. The following SCNC leaders are said to be in the yet to be confirmed list:

  Chief Ayamba Ottu, Nfor Ngala Nfor, Ebenezer Akwanger, Charles Taku, Hitler Mbinglo, Isaac Sona, Henry Fussong, Abang Ako, Peter Pizizi Nkweti, James Sabum, Januarius J.Asongu, Thomas Wacham, Dabney Yirima, Che Julius, Ayamba Lawrence, Azong Wara, Ngiewih Asunkwain, Japheth Wainkem, Nelson Nteff, Tim Fongwe, Caroline Chi, Neh Julius Ndi, Gabriel Mutan, Simon Kumka, Ben Awaah, Ayuketah David, Tabi Christopher, Atang Kevin, Gumne King, James Zerubbabel, Peter Teforlack, John Atemnkeng, Edimo Andrew, Nyabekong Innocent, Rexon Nting, Stephen Kongnso, Rene Morfaw, Lekeanyi Godlove Mburlih, Larry Eyong-Echaw, Oben Maxwel, Joseph Mbah Ndam, Vincent Feko, Duga Titanji, Evaristus Morfaw, Harmony Bobga, Zacharia Khan, Philip Tene, Asongwed Stanley, Samuel Che Neba, Julius Ngu Ndi, Wilson Che Neba, Job Bolewah, Edwin Andalbert Njumran, Fonkwa Thomas, Samuel Che Neba, Atabum Geh Sama, Benedict Kuah Ndi Manjong, Carlson Ayangwe, Fuabeh Victor Achankeng, Augustine Ambe, Immanuel Tatah Mentam, Tonga Nfor, Ofege Ntemfac, Mokom Emmanuel, Emil I. Mondoa, Augustine Akuma Tangie, Dr. Arnold Yongbang, Asandak Isaac Taji, Mokom Ernest Konsey, Edwin Akwanga Taji, Shey Fabian Lawong, Alphonse Forchu Jong, Sama Thomas Achoa, Martin Ayong Ayim, Magdelene Ngassa, Augustine Meombe Itue, Wesley Angoni Tiku, Teboh Samuel Akum, Tayoba Ngenge, Stephen Shemlon, Tum Tafon, Dennis Atemkeng, Ms Melissa Nambangi, Michael Ntumngia, Che John Akwanger, Pa Paul Tumasang, George Muma, Cletus Fendo, Lucas Che, Joseph Ngwa, Perpetua Sirri Scholastica Nchang, Tabot Etando David, Agbor Achou Elvis, Tabot Valantine Mbi, Eyong Tiku Mbi, Tabot Felix Agbor, Eyong Samuel Ako, Nkogho Rebecca Enow, Tabot Etando S, Ayamba Olinga Obi, Genevive Ndagha, Simon Kumka, Stephen Ndifon, Julius Ndi, Maboh Tamasang, Valentine Asongwed, Shella Nurelia Garbonita, Nyiawung Morfaw Elvis, Eboue Njoume, Kum N Peter, Innocent Babila, Pricilla Khan, Shiyghan Stephen Shemlon, Tabi Daniel, Bisong Peter, Oluwabunmi S. Rafiu, Anyileke Maureen, Ndifon Jude, William Folefac M, Nkemkia Robinson, Ebesoh Julius N, Leukeu Zepherine, Ayuk Joyce Bate, Ewane Lawrence Ngolle, Mbaku Afuh Mathais, Nanyong Agnes Ngomba, Nkea Alembong Emmanuel, Ndi Agatha Mukong, Aka Alain A, Bih Jessica, Halary Kebila Fokum, Wazeh Patience, Sone Makia, Takem Abane, Saboh Vivian, Clarence Mpafe, Asongtia Ndemaze, Ruth Kwatila, Yong Villeroy, Sama Evaristus, Ndongfac Leopaul N, Peter Tanah, Dingana Pepus.

  Close Window

  React to this comment
• > FACTORS MILITATING AGAINST WOMEN RIGHTS IN THE GAMBIA.

  18th July 2006, par NKEA ALEAMBONG Emmanuel

  BY: NKEA ALEAMBONG EMMANUEL Esq. (Human Rights Jurist & Activist)

  Introduction

  In every civilized democracy, all the citizens deserve equal respect; no group should be singled out and identified as second class citizens. The sanctity of the person is a basic requirement of human rights irrespective of the gender and marital status of the person. Concurrently, a further basic requirement of both human rights and democracy is difference; whether of gender, race, religion or opinion.

  In fact, Article 2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, provides that, “everybody is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration without distinction of any kind such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status”. The UN general assembly in 1986 stated inter alia that, “.... Everyone is entitled to a social and economic order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights can be fully realized...” It is regrettable to state that, more than 50 years after this internationally acclaimed proclamation, women continue to be discriminated against in virtually all spheres of life, especially in the areas of property rights, reproductive Rights and adequate remunerations.

  Despite international efforts at enhancing Women rights the world over, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, the UN Decade for women (1976-1985) and the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) 1979, there are still wide spread issues of gender inequality in The Gambia. The following factors can be said to be militating against women rights in The Gambia.

  1) Law and Legal Inequalities

  The Gambia does not have a harmonized legal system. It is a tri-jural system consisting of the English derived Common Law, the Islamic Sharia Law and Traditional law. The Muslim who applies Sharia law constitutes more than 60% of the general population of Gambians. It is my view that, the very applicability of Sharia law in the Gambia is an affront to women’s right and a serious factor militating against the enhancement of gender equality in the Gambia. This is practically reflected in the area of property rights, reproductive rights as well as family affairs. Both Traditional law and the Sharia law are highly discriminatory against women in these areas.

  For example; a married woman who is not blessed with an issue in her marriage has no right to lay claim over the property left behind by her late husband irrespective of how much she could have contributed to its acquisition. Sharia and Traditional law place such property under the discretion of the deceased male relatives.

  Further more, it is a taboo under Sharia and Traditional law as applicable in the Gambia, for a woman to lay claim to interstate succession. In fact, a woman can not be heir even if she is the sole surviving child of the deceased.

  Female Genital Mutilation remains a rampant practice protected by Sharia and Traditional law in the Gambia. This barbaric affliction of pain on an innocent child, whom if otherwise given the chance to decide will not approve of such an act on her person, remains a biting issue of growing concern in the Gambia.

  The right to marriage and divorce is another serious factor militating against women’s right in The Gambia. Forced marriages of girls below 15 years is still widely practiced, by this, young girls are forced into marriages irrespective of their consent. The only choice they have is to accept the man, but the recent case of 14 year old Fatoumatta who poisoned her husband to death just to liberate herself from the yoke of forced this bondage is illustrative of how desperate most victims of forced marriages find themselves.

  The vast majority of marriages in The Gambia are executed under Sharia and or Traditional law. Under these regimes, divorce is the sole prerogative of the man who can terminate a marriage by a mere letter to the family of the women repudiating the union. This is not only absurd but also a very gross suppression of the rights of women to equality in any marriage. The most the woman can get if she is enlightened enough to institute legal proceedings is her removal expenses and maintenance allowance for some three months.

  Gambians are potentially polygamous in nature; this regime of marriage is adequately provided for and protected under Sharia and Traditional law. Under this dispensation a man is never guilty of adultery; it is always the woman and the consequences for that are grave. With the growing HIV/AIDS scourge in The Gambia, the inability for a woman to sue for adultery largely compromises her right to good health.

  Further more, under the Sharia and Traditional law dispensations in The Gambia; women have no say on their reproductive rights. It is the sole prerogative of the man to decide the number of children the family will have. The number which hardly takes into account the economic and financial position of the family leaves the woman as a beast of burden to fend for the survival of her numerous children.

  2) VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN

  The most rampant form of violence against women in The Gambia ranges from wife beating, indecent assault, rape, sexual harassment, to intimidation in order to have unlawful sexual intercourse with them.

  Although the criminal code in The Gambia prohibits the aforestated categories of violence on women, prosecutions of cases of all forms of assault against women are the lowest compared to other crimes. This is partly because; women are generally discouraged by their observance of Traditional law to institute legal actions against men who are mostly their husbands.

  3) EXPLIOTATION OF WOMEN

  The highly needed cheap labor in The Gambia economy is usually provided for by the rural poor, women and peasants. These are mostly women who are unjustly discriminated against because they are illiterate and, lack the ability to organize themselves into unions to press for their rights. More than 80% of rice production which is the staple food in the country is produced by rural women who can not determine the market price.

  One of the country’s highest foreign exchange earners is tourism. In order to boost the tourism sector in The Gambia women and little girls are sexually exploited and abused.

  RECOMMENDATIONS

  It is my view that, the enhancement of women’s rights in The Gambia needs concerted efforts from all stake holders in the country ranging from the government, politicians, NGOs, and the civil society.

  a) The Government

  The Gambian government needs to take bold steps in addressing the issues raised herein. Harmonizing the legal system, to make provision for the application of the Repugnancy test of natural justice, can do this. By this, any Traditional or Sharia law that runs contrary to common sense, equity and good conscience should be considered repugnant to natural justice and as such inapplicable.

  The government should redouble its efforts on female education. Currently, the government has a policy of free female education. This should not be left to the discretion of the girl child. It should rather be a policy of Compulsory Free Female Education. Through education, the Gambian women will become enlightened and be able to fight for her rights.

  b) Politicians

  Gambian politicians should take measures to table the relevant bills for amendment and or abolition of these laws. They should compliment government’s effort in the area of free female education by campaigning for massive female enrolment in schools in their various constituencies. They should offer scholarships to deserving young female students to encourage them. They should initiate bills in parliament which makes provisions for the setting up of Common Initiative groups by the rural poor. With the rural women able to organize themselves into Common Initiative Groups b(CIG), they will be able to assert their voice in the area of prices for their crops.

  c) NGOs and Civil Society

  The Civil Society and NGOs should engage in fierce campaigns for the abolition of repugnant laws in The Gambia. They can organize seminars and conferences with the aim of sensitizing the population on the need to observe women’s rights. They should compliment government’s efforts and policy of free female education by giving scholarships and other prices to deserving female students. They should take measures to organize the women folk into CIGs, by giving them the relevant technical and financial assistance. The empowerment of the Gambian woman will richly improve on the general status of their rights.

  With the implementation of these measures, I am satisfied that there will be a marked improvement on the current situation of women’s rights in The Gambia.

  Thank you very much for your humble attention.

  © 2005 NKEA A. Emmanuel Esq.

  React to this comment
• > UN AND THE DENIAL OF THE RIGHTS TO SELF DETERMINATION : THE CASE OF THE SOUTHERN CAMEROONS.

  18th July 2006, par NKEA ALEAMBONG Emmanuel

  BY: NKEA, ALEAMBONG EMMANUEL Esq. ( Human Rights Jurist & Activist)

  INTRODUCTION:

  This project seeks to present the economic exploitation, Social oppression and Political suppression of the people of the former British Southern Cameroons by their French-speaking counterpart, as a satisfaction of some of the basic requirements necessary for a violent conflict. It has led to a proliferation of pressure groups calling for a separate statehood for the Southern Cameroons. This is identified here as the Problem (Diagnosis), a failure to avert the progression of this will lead to a catastrophic conflict reminiscent of the genocide in Rwanda and Burundi (Prognosis). The project further attempts a Solution (Therapy) to this growing crisis.

  The Problem (Diagnosis)

  The English speaking (Anglophone Minority) people of Cameroon maintain that they are currently being marginalized, oppressed and brutalized by the French speaking (Francophone Majority) led government in Cameroon. These acts of abuse are manifest in the socio-economic and political realms of the society. This disregard and contempt for their human rights has led the Anglophone community to firmly demand for a separate state (Southern Cameroons) of their own.

  Prognosis:

  Attempts to contain this demand have led, and still lead to further human rights abuses. The plethora of pressure groups supporting the demand for a separate statehood for the Southern Cameroons, and the seriousness with which they conduct their activities suggest that this situation is a potential political volcano, which if not abated will climax into a major political conflict soon. In fact, the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL) has already called for the use of arms. The repacaution of such a conflict will only be reminiscent to the genocide in Rwanda and Burundi. This will only be averted by implementing the Solution (Therapy) suggested in this project.

  Genesis of the Problem:

  After the First World War, the hitherto German colony of Kamerun was partitioned between France and the United Kingdom into two unequal halves, with the greater part to France the lesser part to the United Kingdom. The part under French administration eventually became the Independent La Republique du Cameroun on 1st January 1960. The part under United Kingdom administration was administered as part of Nigeria and, eventually acquired a quasi self-governing status in 1954 as the British Southern Cameroons. By a United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Resolution 1352 (XIV) of 16th October 1959, the people of the British southern Cameroons were to achieve their independence by voting in a UN supervised plebiscite to either join the already Independent La Republique du Cameroun or the Independent Federal Republic of Nigeria. There was no third option of achieving independence as Southern Cameroons despite a request for it. The people of the Southern Cameroons voted at the plebiscite of 11th February 1961 to join La Republique du Cameroun. By another UNGA resolution 1608 (XV) (5) of 21st April 1961, a post plebiscite conference of the UN as supervisory authority, the UK as administering authority, the government of Cameroun and the government of Southern Cameroons was mandated to work on the agreements of a future union between Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons. The “kangaroo” post plebiscite conference that took place was not as envisaged by the UNGA resolution in that, the UN and UK were absent and, no agreements were signed between La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons.

  The Research Project Content:

  This project therefore, seeks to address the right of the people of the Southern Cameroons to self determination within the context of the UN system and other international statutes with a view to determine whether or not; a) the recent calls for the restoration of the statehood of the Southern Cameroons amounts to an act of secession or, b) Is justified by the principle of the right to self-determination within the context of International Law.

  PART I

  This part seeks to have a critical look at the Universal Human Rights to self determination as enshrined in some relevant international statutes and the UN system. It examines the human right to self-determination as contemplated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and further attempts an interpretation and examination of some Articles of the U N Charter as well as some major Resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly touching on the right to self-determination of the People of the Southern Cameroons. The relevant texts considered here are:

  1) The United Nations Charter of 26th June 1945. 2) The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 10th December 1948.

  Some of the relevant articles of the UN charter and UNGA resolutions considered here are;

  a) Article 75 of the UN charter setting up the international trusteeship system. b) Article 76(b) of The UN Charter bearing on the duties and obligations of the Trusteeship System of the UN. c) Article 102(1) of the UN charter bearing on the Registration of all International agreements and treaties. d) Article102 (2) of the UN charter bearing on the non-compliance with article 102(1). e) Resolution 1352 (XIV) 16th of October 1959 bearing the two alternatives to be placed at the disposal of the people of the Southern Cameroons at the Plebiscite of 11th February 1960. f) Resolution 1608 (XV) (5) of 21st April 1961 touching on the out come of the Plebiscite.

  PART II

  This part raises contentious issues arising from the interpretation of the Articles and Resolutions considered in the previous part. These inter- alia include an attempt to answer the following questions;

  1) Was UNGA Resolution 1352 (XIV) (2) of 16th October 1959 an amendment of article 76(b) of The UN charter? or 2) Was UNGA Resolution 1352 (XIV) (2) of 16th October 1959 a contravention of article 76(b) of The UN charter? 3) Was the Plebiscite of 11th February 1961 in the Southern Cameroons conclusive on the right to self-determination by this People? 4) Did UNGA Resolution 1608(XV) (5) of 21st April 1961 envisage any ACT of UNION between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun? 5) Did the envisaged Act of Union between La Republique du Cameroun and the Southern Cameroons amount to an International agreement or treaty? 6) Does the non-implementation of UNGA Resolution 1608 (XV) (5) of 21st April 1961 render nugatory the subsequent union between the Southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroun? 7) What is the effect of the non-implementation of UNGA Resolution 1608 (XV) (5) of 21st April 1961 on the right to self-determination of the People of The Southern Cameroons?

  PART III

  Solution (Therapy)

  This part of the project seeks to identify a proper method for this conflict transformation. These will include an examination of the following methods:

  a) The ONE PARTY PREVAILS method. b) The WITHDRAWAL method. c) The COMPROMISE method. d) The TRANSCENDENCE method.

  This project is biased in favor of methods (c) and (d) above. It will seek to explore all the methods above and will justify the choice of (c) and (d). It will put forth various alternatives in the context of the two selected methods.

  PART IV

  The Merits of this project:

  This project seeks to restore mutual trust and confidence in the relationship between the two stake holders in the Cameroons. This will give birth to lasting peace and understanding thus, a convenient environment for the respect of human rights. It therefore, seeks to put forth various avenues through which the biting issues of gross human rights abuse on this people can be put to an end. It also seeks to address the possibilities of averting an outrageous political conflict (genocide) building up in the Cameroons. It is hoped that this project will benefit the following categories or group of people:

  a) The Children and Youths of the Southern Cameroons, a guaranty of the respect of their basic human rights. No risk of child soldiers. b) The people of the Cameroons, a future blessed with peace. c) The Central African sub region, a more stable political environment. d) The International Community, which will now spend funds on more meaningful projects rather than post war reconstruction. e) To Humanity, the abatement of another genocide.

  © Nkeaaleambongemmanuel2005copenhagen

  React to this comment
• > Scholarships available for training on Human Rights monitoring

  15th April 2006, par NKEA ALEAMBONG Emmanuel

  I am an English Speaking Barrister from Cameroon.I write to drum up support for the International Community to take action in respect of averting another Rwanda in Cameroon. The Francophone led majority government in Cameroon has identified the Anglophone people as a target for extermination just as the Hutu identified the Tutsi in Rwanda. The agenda is in a well advanced stage which seeks to provoke the Anglophone people in to taking up arms in support of their calls for a seperate sovereign state of their own, the Francophones will now react in the guise of crushing a rebellion and invoke the principle of self defense to solve the Anglophone problem once and for all by wiping them off. All the long term factors that contributed to the genocide in Rwanda are now very alive in Cameroon. I call on all meaningful and authoritative human righs bodies the world over, to invite the International Community to apply the princinple of Preventive diplomacy in the Cameroon Conflict. God Save the Anglophone Cameroon People. NKEA A EMMANUEL Esq.

  React to this comment
• > Scholarships available for training on Human Rights monitoring

  5th March 2006, par imran

  I have been serving as a police officer in Pakistan since 2001 and I am of the opinion that all members of the criminal justice system should be trained in the field of human rights. Without the sensitization of all the actors invloved in the protection of human rights, no amount of efforts would be helpful in materializing the lofty dreams of human rights protection. Police comes first in the line of so many state and non-governmental organizations that takes care of the rights of modern day mankind: either the victim(s) himself/herself contacts local police staff for emergency help or the police themselves come to know about violations of human rights in their respective jurisdiction. Thus, without (re-)kindling the love of humanity in the (hardened!) hearts of police officers, imparting them the most modern concepts of human rights (hitherto unincluded in the training institutes of Pakistani police) and making them aware of the expectations of the modern citizens and his/her own responsibilities regarding ailing humanity, we cannot expect our journey on the road towards of emancipation of weaker ones from the highhandedness of stronger ones.

  React to this comment
• > Scholarships available for training on Human Rights monitoring

  1st June 2005, par Shazia Malik

  Though I’ve been writing extensively on human rights and am the editor of a magazine today, I feel such training programmes are essential to enhance one’s knowledge about vital issues as human rights and polish one’s skills. I think with this training I would be able to train those under me better and write more effectively myself. I’m journalist from the last 15 years and I think I deserve to attend a Reuters training programme.

  React to this comment